摘要 :
This commentary examines Nevins' Multiple Agree (MA) approach to complex agreement phenomena, and in particular the two patterns that Nevins identifies as omnivorous number and person complementarity. Nevins analyzes both as outco...
展开
This commentary examines Nevins' Multiple Agree (MA) approach to complex agreement phenomena, and in particular the two patterns that Nevins identifies as omnivorous number and person complementarity. Nevins analyzes both as outcomes of the MA mechanism and attributes the categorical split between person and number to ontological differences in the feature inventories: person features are binary and fully specified, while number features are unary and underspecified. I argue that the opposition between person and number is strained insofar as there exist contexts where person, too, patterns as though it were underspecified, giving rise to the omnivorous agreement pattern. I also show that the MA mechanics do not fully predict that number agreement should be omnivorous across the board. Auxiliary assumptions restricting possible probe structures are required.
收起
摘要 :
In mixed agreement, different agreement targets show different values for the same controller. This paper offers an explanation for the existence of mixed agreement that accounts for the following Polite Plural Generalization: uni...
展开
In mixed agreement, different agreement targets show different values for the same controller. This paper offers an explanation for the existence of mixed agreement that accounts for the following Polite Plural Generalization: universally, any second person 'polite plural' pronouns (e.g. French vous), used honorifically for a single addressee, control syntactic (plural) agreement on all person targets, while non-person-agreeing targets such as predicate adjectives vary across languages, between syntactic and semantic number agreement. Following Wechsler and Zlatic (The Many Faces of Agreement, CSLI Publications, 2003), person features exist only as features of referential indices (Index phi features), never as grammatical head features of the sort that are involved in adjective-noun concord (Concord phi features). Mixed agreement arises if the 'polite plural' or other pronominal controller is underspecified for Concord phi features. But a pronoun has a referential Index, which is necessarily marked with phi features, so any Index agreement targets will appear in the second person plural form. A diachronic explanation is offered for this bifurcation of agreement targets into Index and Concord targets: the former descend from incorporated pronouns while the latter have other sources.
收起
摘要 :
Reasons for performing study: Criteria for the radiographic evaluation of navicular bones in horses have been published to standardise classification of radiographic signs. However, intra- and interobserver agreement have not been...
展开
Reasons for performing study: Criteria for the radiographic evaluation of navicular bones in horses have been published to standardise classification of radiographic signs. However, intra- and interobserver agreement have not been established.Objective: To determine intra- and interobserver agreement in the evaluation of radiographic and computed tomographic (CT) navicular changes. It was hypothesised that: 1) intraobserver agreement would be better than interobserver agreement; 2) agreement would be better for CT than for radiography; and 3) pathological changes would be recognised with greater certainty with CT.Methods: Radiographs and CT scans of 60 cadaver navicular bones were evaluated by 3 observers using published criteria. A subset of 30 studies was evaluated twice by one observer. Agreement was tested using the kappa statistic. Certainty about pathological changes was evaluated by giving the observers the option to choose 'not sure'.Results: Agreement varied from poor to almost perfect for radiographic evaluation and from poor to substantial for CT evaluation. For radiographic evaluation mean interobserver agreement was fair, as it was for CT evaluation. For radiographic evaluation mean intraobserver agreement was moderate as it was for CT evaluation. Pathological changes were evaluated with greater certainty on CT scans compared to radiographs; however, this was not associated with improved agreement.Conclusions: Variations in classification of navicular lesions in radiographic and CT studies were considerable between and within observers and challenge the use of such studies for diagnostic and prognostic purposes.Potential relevance: The results of this study allowed the identification of evaluation criteria with sufficient precision to be useful for navicular bone evaluation.
收起
摘要 :
The paper examines the agreement behavior of coordinate phrases (&Ps) on the basis of Hungarian data. It examines subject-verb agreement in number (and, in the case of pronominal subjects, also in person), and object-verb agreement in definiteness. Its primary goal is to account for the different agreement behavior of IP-internal and left-peripheral &Ps. It argues that because & has no φ-features of its own, &P assumes the φ-features projected by its conjuncts in formal agreement relations, and the features of its discourse referent in semantically motivated relations such as binding. In Hungarian, IP-internal agreement relations are formal relations, in which &P participates with the φ-features of its conjuncts. A left-peripheral &P, on the other hand, can be associated with a resumptive pro sharing its semantic features, and can be represented in agreement relations by its pro associate. An IP-internal &P elicits plural agreement on the verb if and only if either the specifier or the complement of &, or both, project a [plural] feature to &P. Since—as argued by Farkas and de Swart (2010) on the basis of Hungarian facts—only plural noun phrases have a number feature, the possibility of a number feature conflict does not arise. When the conjuncts project contradictory person features or definiteness features to &P, the feature conflict must be eliminated for agreement to be possible. An option is the left dislocation of &P, and agreement with the resumptive pro associated with it. In the case of conjoined objects with conflicting definiteness features, Hungarian speakers prefer closest conjunct agreement, which is presumably licensed at the syntax-phonology interface....
展开
The paper examines the agreement behavior of coordinate phrases (&Ps) on the basis of Hungarian data. It examines subject-verb agreement in number (and, in the case of pronominal subjects, also in person), and object-verb agreement in definiteness. Its primary goal is to account for the different agreement behavior of IP-internal and left-peripheral &Ps. It argues that because & has no φ-features of its own, &P assumes the φ-features projected by its conjuncts in formal agreement relations, and the features of its discourse referent in semantically motivated relations such as binding. In Hungarian, IP-internal agreement relations are formal relations, in which &P participates with the φ-features of its conjuncts. A left-peripheral &P, on the other hand, can be associated with a resumptive pro sharing its semantic features, and can be represented in agreement relations by its pro associate. An IP-internal &P elicits plural agreement on the verb if and only if either the specifier or the complement of &, or both, project a [plural] feature to &P. Since—as argued by Farkas and de Swart (2010) on the basis of Hungarian facts—only plural noun phrases have a number feature, the possibility of a number feature conflict does not arise. When the conjuncts project contradictory person features or definiteness features to &P, the feature conflict must be eliminated for agreement to be possible. An option is the left dislocation of &P, and agreement with the resumptive pro associated with it. In the case of conjoined objects with conflicting definiteness features, Hungarian speakers prefer closest conjunct agreement, which is presumably licensed at the syntax-phonology interface.
收起
摘要 :
The present research investigated the attraction phenomenon, which commonly occurs in the domain of production but is also apparent in comprehension. It particularly focused on its accessibility to conceptual influence, in analogy...
展开
The present research investigated the attraction phenomenon, which commonly occurs in the domain of production but is also apparent in comprehension. It particularly focused on its accessibility to conceptual influence, in analogy to previous findings in production in Hebrew (Deutsch and Dank, J Mem Lang, 60:112–143, 2009). The experiments made use of the contrast between grammatical and natural gender in Hebrew, using complex subject noun phrases containing head nouns and prepositional phrases with local nouns. Noun phrases were manipulated to produce (a) matches and mismatches in grammatical gender between heads and local nouns; and (b) inanimate nouns and animate nouns with natural gender that served either as head or as local nouns. These noun phrases were the subjects of sentences that ended with predicates agreeing in gender with the head noun, with the local noun, or both. The ungrammatical sentences were those in which the gender of the predicate and the head noun did not match. To assess the impact of conflicts in grammatical and natural gender on the time course of reading, participants’ eye movements were monitored. The results revealed clear disruptions in reading the predicate due to grammatical-gender mismatches with head and local nouns, in analogy to attraction in production. When the head nouns conveyed natural gender these effects were amplified, but variations in the natural gender of local nouns had negligible consequences. The results imply that comprehension and production are similarly sensitive to the control of grammatical agreement by grammatical and natural gender in subject noun phrases.
收起
摘要 :
The present research investigated the attraction phenomenon, which commonly occurs in the domain of production but is also apparent in comprehension. It particularly focused on its accessibility to conceptual influence, in analogy...
展开
The present research investigated the attraction phenomenon, which commonly occurs in the domain of production but is also apparent in comprehension. It particularly focused on its accessibility to conceptual influence, in analogy to previous findings in production in Hebrew (Deutsch and Dank, J Mem Lang, 60:112-143, 2009). The experiments made use of the contrast between grammatical and natural gender in Hebrew, using complex subject noun phrases containing head nouns and prepositional phrases with local nouns. Noun phrases were manipulated to produce (a) matches and mismatches in grammatical gender between heads and local nouns; and (b) inanimate nouns and animate nouns with natural gender that served either as head or as local nouns. These noun phrases were the subjects of sentences that ended with predicates agreeing in gender with the head noun, with the local noun, or both. The ungrammatical sentences were those in which the gender of the predicate and the head noun did not match. To assess the impact of conflicts in grammatical and natural gender on the time course of reading, participants' eye movements were monitored. The results revealed clear disruptions in reading the predicate due to grammatical-gender mismatches with head and local nouns, in analogy to attraction in production. When the head nouns conveyed natural gender these effects were amplified, but variations in the natural gender of local nouns had negligible consequences. The results imply that comprehension and production are similarly sensitive to the control of grammatical agreement by grammatical and natural gender in subject noun phrases.
收起
摘要 :
The earliest royalties involved payments to a sovereign in exchange for the right to extract minerals owned by the state. This concept was later adopted by prospectors and the owners of mineral rights, who often retained a royalty...
展开
The earliest royalties involved payments to a sovereign in exchange for the right to extract minerals owned by the state. This concept was later adopted by prospectors and the owners of mineral rights, who often retained a royalty upon selling, leasing or optioning the mineral rights to another party who may develop and mine them. In addition, royalties are often used in the context of joint venture arrangements when a participant is diluted below a threshold percentage and its participating interest is converted into a royalty. Such royalties commonly include unit royalties, gross overriding royalties, net smelter return royalties and net profits interest royalties.~1 Usually, royalties are payable in cash. However, some royalties (typically, precious metals royalties) provide the holder of the royalty (Royalty Holder) with the option to receive the royalty payment in minerals (that is, "in kind").
收起
摘要 :
For Bjorkman and Zeijlstra (2019), Agree consists of two operations: checking and valuation. Checking involves (a) probing, always upward from an uninterpretable feature [uF] to an interpretable feature [iF] c-commanding it, and (...
展开
For Bjorkman and Zeijlstra (2019), Agree consists of two operations: checking and valuation. Checking involves (a) probing, always upward from an uninterpretable feature [uF] to an interpretable feature [iF] c-commanding it, and (b) [iF]'s checking [uF]. Valuation generally happens downward, with the valuer c-commanding the valuee. Upward valuation, in which the probe c-commands the goal, is exceptional and only occurs if downward valuation has failed. In this reply, we argue that this approach is not supported empirically. We present data from Matengo, German, Serbo-Croatian, Sambaa, Liko, and Nez Perce, arguing that upward valuation must be available more generally than Bjorkman and Zeijlstra suggest.
收起
摘要 :
Inter-domain collaborations suffer not only from technological obstacles that hinder interoperability, but also from diverting business objectives of the involved domains. Today, hand-crafted contracts define the terms and conditi...
展开
Inter-domain collaborations suffer not only from technological obstacles that hinder interoperability, but also from diverting business objectives of the involved domains. Today, hand-crafted contracts define the terms and conditions for service interactions. Electronic negotiation can serve as the enabler of dynamic interdomain collaborations by providing a large degree of freedom for the automation of agreement formation and electronic contracting. Negotiation by electronic means has been an area of intensive research for many years now. However, most effort was put on the determination of prices and neglected that real-world agreements also consist of complex dependencies of interdependent obligations. In this paper we present agreement negotiation as a tool to establish ad hoc services collaborations. Our novel protocol allows for the discovery of complex agreement options and for the formation of multi-party agreements. The protocol works through an iterative exchange of requirements and offers. A major benefit over existing bilateral negotiation protocols is that our protocol is capable of discovering potential collaborations between different parties. It will leave each negotiating party with a complete agreement document after a successful negotiation. This comprehensive agreement document defines the interdependent obligations between all parties and is well suited for E-Contracting.
收起
摘要 :
Several sonographic features observed by endobronchial ultrasonography have been suggested to be useful to predict malignancy in mediastinal lymph nodes. To evaluate agreement to describe sonographic features, 28 video images were...
展开
Several sonographic features observed by endobronchial ultrasonography have been suggested to be useful to predict malignancy in mediastinal lymph nodes. To evaluate agreement to describe sonographic features, 28 video images were evaluated twice by eight expert bronchoscopists. The observers reviewed each case for the presence of coagulation necrosis sign (CNS), central hilar structure (CHS), heterogeneity, distinct margin, round shape, size >1 cm and malignancy. Intraobserver agreement was almost perfect for size (κ = 0.826), substantial for CNS (κ = 0.721) and shape (κ = 0.615), and moderate for CHS (κ = 0.565), heterogeneity (κ = 0.441) and margin (κ = 0.407). Interobserver agreement was substantial for size (κ = 0.641), moderate for shape (κ = 0.445), and fair for CNS (κ = 0.340) and margin (κ = 0.274). In conclusion, inter- and intraobserver agreement of the endosonographic features for mediastinal or hilar lymph nodes is good for shape or size but not good enough for the other ultrasonographic features.
收起
原文获取