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The ancient wisdom of the East has made China stand on the top of the world for about 2000 years, while the modern science of the West (whether natural science or social science) has made the Western countries become more and more...
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The ancient wisdom of the East has made China stand on the top of the world for about 2000 years, while the modern science of the West (whether natural science or social science) has made the Western countries become more and more powerful in recent hundreds of years. So the cultures adopted between them must be persuasive, intelligent, practicable and operable theories. Comparing the two political systems, we can find that although the appearance of the two systems is different, both of them are highly similar in nature. Due to the influence of history, geography, habits and other factors, there must be differences in the nature of the two. We also need to face up to such differences. Therefore, the author intends to make a breakthrough point from the theory of Confucian political and philosophical system in ancient China, from which to analyze the modern democratic political system, describe its advantages and disadvantages, and put forward some of my humble opinions.
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This study investigates political culture in the city of Tehran, focusing on three of its domains including typology of political culture, classification and typology of political citizens, as well as examination of some variables...
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This study investigates political culture in the city of Tehran, focusing on three of its domains including typology of political culture, classification and typology of political citizens, as well as examination of some variables affecting political culture in Iran. The applied research method is in the form of a survey and questionnaire-based data. The study sample size includes 612 citizens residing in Tehran in 2018. Findings show that most citizens are tended to a subject- parochial political culture. It is indicated that political variables i.e. the cost of political activity, government officials’ responsiveness, and institutional political trust are effective on political culture. Using cluster method, the citizens were divided into four categories: critical, obedient, unmotivated, and disappointed. Political culture factors are categorized in three groups by analyzing exploratory factors. These are: pluralistic, value, and involvement -behavioral. Findings show that, citizens have been grown higher in pluralistic, and with value aspects, but are in a low level with behavioral aspect, and this factor could be effective on political culture's type.
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This article proposes a game-theoretic setting to explain the fragmentation of majority and opposition coalitions in governments. The model is two-stage: (1) the leaders of each coalition control the size of the parties in their g...
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This article proposes a game-theoretic setting to explain the fragmentation of majority and opposition coalitions in governments. The model is two-stage: (1) the leaders of each coalition control the size of the parties in their group so as to maximize the political power of their coalition, and (2) the political party leaders in each coalition decide their degree of participation in their coalition's collective action. The main conclusion is that the concentration in the two opposing coalitions will be related when the competition between them is fierce. This is shown to hold for the Left-wing and Right-wing coalitions in French local governments, revealing competition in fragmentation in these coalitions.
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Testing the proposition that electing black mayors has a positive effect on black political participation, scholars found that black incorporation historically lead to increased black political engagement. However, the research th...
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Testing the proposition that electing black mayors has a positive effect on black political participation, scholars found that black incorporation historically lead to increased black political engagement. However, the research that examines whether length of mayoral tenure influences black political participation is limited. We test this proposition using the 1993-1994 National Black Politics Study. Our findings suggest long-term political incorporation decreases local black political participation while it increases voting for President. However, as the black population percentage of a city rises, local black political participation increases. These findings extend the research on the effect of political incorporation on participation by considering political and demographic context and by engaging in intraracial rather than interracial comparisons.
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The aim of this volume has been to present examples of work on political participation drawn from what we have termed a critical perspective. Here, we shall not summarise these contributions, rather our aim is briefly, given space...
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The aim of this volume has been to present examples of work on political participation drawn from what we have termed a critical perspective. Here, we shall not summarise these contributions, rather our aim is briefly, given space constraints, to highlight some of the issues at stake in this literature and, given that, in our view, the changes in contemporary forms of political participation identified here represent significant challenges for democracy to suggest possible ways forward. We begin with a brief resume of the changing patterns of political participation, perhaps best summed up as decoupling of political authorities and citizens. Subsequently, we turn to the question of how they can be recoupled them.
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Political microtargeting is the subject of heated societal debate but not much is known about its effects, especially in non-US contexts. Microtargeting, used by political actors to send citizens tailored messages, could have the ...
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Political microtargeting is the subject of heated societal debate but not much is known about its effects, especially in non-US contexts. Microtargeting, used by political actors to send citizens tailored messages, could have the potential to overcome barriers that make generic political messages less effective. In this article, we present a small-scale field experiment, which serves as a case study to illustrate how microtargeting's effects on citizens could be measured. The field experiment showed that receiving a microtargeted message via postal mail increased likelihood to vote for the microtargeting party, but this increase did not translate into actual votes.
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Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to present a conceptual framework of corporate political performance (CPP) in corporate political activity. In fact, CPP refers to political benefits obtained by firms when they formulate and...
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Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to present a conceptual framework of corporate political performance (CPP) in corporate political activity. In fact, CPP refers to political benefits obtained by firms when they formulate and implement political strategies to influence the public policy process though the investment of political resources. This paper focuses on answering what is perhaps the most fundamental question to strategy researchers: "How do firms engage in political strategies to improve their performance?" Design/methodology/approach - In building a theoretical framework, this paper, first, provides a historical analysis of political efficiency and effectiveness. Then, this paper attempts to illustrate conceptually our understanding of political performance process by a generalized and contingent approach. Finally, this paper discusses the framework, its theoretical contribution and practical implications for Chinese management, and comments on limitations for future research. Findings - The paper presents a conceptual CPP model that integrates political efficiency and effectiveness approach. In the conceptual framework, three phases of CPP include sources of political advantage, political competitive advantage and political performance outcome, and three dimensions are identified as political efficiency, effectiveness and adaptiveness. CPP approach is not a "generalized" nature of political performance measurement, as the difference among firms and industries in this area may be significant, which reflects the effect of context, reaction and outcome factors. Research limitations/implications - While it provides a strong theoretical foundation, this paper still has almost little empirical evidence concerning CPP process. However, how to measure CPP has increasingly begun to focus on an important research domain in corporate political strategy literature. This paper believes that this model has a need for future research to test its feasibility by using the measurement scales in Chinese context. Originality/value - This paper is original in its attempt to measure CPP to help the business practice in corporate of political activity, and broaden corporate political strategy research in mainstream strategic management.
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? 2021 Elsevier LtdThere has been recent attention to the political divide between urban and rural voters in the United States. It is possible that as rural and urban voting behavior has diverged, this has been driven by increasin...
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? 2021 Elsevier LtdThere has been recent attention to the political divide between urban and rural voters in the United States. It is possible that as rural and urban voting behavior has diverged, this has been driven by increasing social conservatism among rural voters. However, given that the average American is not ideologically constrained nor stable, this may not be the case. Using data from the 2010–2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study Panel Study, this analysis compares the ideological constraint and stability of rural, suburban, and urban Americans. The results show that there has not been a divergence in rural, suburban, and urban ideologies or issue opinions in recent years. Rural and suburban respondents are more conservative than urban respondents on average, but they are not consistent conservatives, and their presidential votes are not primarily driven by a consistent set of conservative issue opinions.
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Although electricity is one of the most important determinants of successful industrialization, many countries do not provide sufficient amounts of electricity at reasonable prices for industrialization. In order to inquire into t...
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Although electricity is one of the most important determinants of successful industrialization, many countries do not provide sufficient amounts of electricity at reasonable prices for industrialization. In order to inquire into the causes behind this, we investigate the factors that influence electricity tariffs for agricultural consumers at the state level in India. We conduct a dynamic panel data analysis using data for seventeen major states in India for the period from 1992 to 2012. Our estimation results suggest that as the Gini coefficient of landowning rises, the agricultural electricity tariffs become lower. However, the rural population share does not significantly affect agricultural electricity tariffs. These results indicate that state governments are responsive to the demands of large farmers (rural elites) but not to the demands of farmers more generally (rural masses). Our results are consistent with elite politics but not mass politics. Low electricity tariffs for agricultural consumers have caused insufficient investment in the infrastructure necessary for the expansion of industries, as well as high electricity tariffs for industrial consumers, which may have adversely affected the industrialization of state economies in India.
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Organizational politics continues to be acknowledged as a real and important dimension of organizational functioning. Most research has focused on 'perceptions of organizational politics' where organizational politics is conceptua...
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Organizational politics continues to be acknowledged as a real and important dimension of organizational functioning. Most research has focused on 'perceptions of organizational politics' where organizational politics is conceptualized negatively and its relationship with detrimental individual and organizational outcomes is demonstrated. We argue that organizational politics can be conceptualized as a multi-dimensional climate level construct and that 'organizational political climate' can be both functional and dysfunctional. We propose and explain a four dimensional model of organizational political climate informed by existing theoretical perspectives on power bases. The four key dimensions are represented by the building and use of personal power, positional power, connection power and informational power. We also highlight the need for a comprehensive measure of organizational political climate which is underpinned by the four dimensions and which enables an assessment of the extent to which the organizational political climate is functional and/or dysfunctional. In summary, we recommend that HR practitioners seek to understand the functional and dysfunctional dimensions of organizational political climate and implement practices to foster a positive political climate. We overview practical implications for HR managers and suggest a future research agenda.
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